FRANKFORT –If you Google ‘How often do redistricting plans end up in court?’ you get 134,000 hits in 0.37 seconds.

Somewhere in all those hits, you’ll likely now find ‘Kentucky redistricting 2012.’ A lawsuit challenging the recent state legislative reapportionment has not only been filed, but resulted in a Franklin Circuit Court judge ordering the filing deadline for this year’s House and Senate primary elections be moved back at least a week, to Feb. 7, as he reviews the facts of the case.

For the average citizen, the every-decade drama over redistricting may be slightly mystifying. It sounds like the sort of inside baseball politicians play that doesn’t really affect them.

Why should they care?

Because redistricting determines representation, which is what American democracy is based upon. The end goal is to draw cohesive and population-balanced districts so every Kentuckian has an equal voice in Frankfort and in Washington.

To ensure what the courts have called ‘one person/one vote,’ state and federal law requires legislative district lines to be redrawn every 10 years, after the U.S. Census has been taken and reported. Legal requirements are stiff.

Read the rest after the jump…

Redistricting (not just here, but nationwide, everywhere) has historically been the most highly politicized and deeply personal work any legislative body, at any level, undertakes. Parties hang their hopes and fears for future majority or minority status on it. That’s pretty political. Individual legislators’ careers can be extended or abruptly ended by it. That’s pretty personal. For citizens, it could also mean an old, trusted voice they’ve counted on to speak for them for years is shifted away from them. That’s pretty personal too.

Communities, counties, or regions can see their influence ebb and flow with each ten years’ realignment. Ethnic or majority-minority districts can wax or wane in influence. It all depends on how populations of common interest are concentrated or dispersed when lines are drawn.

Redistricting’s central role in making representative government good government is one reason the courts have taken such a keen interest in it, and laid down so many rules for what’s permissible and what isn’t. For example, splitting counties (which obviously is sometimes necessary) is, still, almost always a bone of contention. That’s one of the central complaints in the pending court challenge, which was initially brought by House Republicans, although others have joined the lawsuit and the Senate plan is part of the case too.

But the impact of the controversy is more than just long-term and philosophical.

As a practical matter, any even-year Legislature rarely takes up divisive or difficult issues until the filing deadline passes and potential electoral opposition (or lack thereof) is known. With this year’s redistricting delay, and resultant uncertainty, that effect is multiplied.

A number of this winter’s marquee items probably won’t be addressed at least until the court speaks next week. That includes most notably the long-awaited casino-gambling bill, said to be written and ready, yet still cloaked. Its presumed sponsor in the Senate said as much Wednesday, and the governor confirmed it Thursday: Redistricting first, then we see the bill.

In fact, the General Assembly didn’t meet at all Friday, to avoid losing a precious (and constitutionally limited) legislative workday from the 60-day session, while things were largely in what one top leader called ‘limbo.’

Meanwhile, another redistricting matter clogged the pipes too this week. Lawmakers themselves voted to extend by one week this year’s campaign-filing deadline for Kentucky’s six congressional seats, as work continues to resolve a House-Senate impasse on a plan to redraw those electoral districts.

Extension of the congressional filing deadline from Jan. 31 to Feb. 7 was inserted into a stripped-down version of this session’s initial congressional redistricting bill, House Bill 2, which in its original form ran aground when the Senate substituted its own substantially different plan that the House found wanting . The bill went to conference committee where the two chambers couldn’t agree on a compromise before the filing deadline.

The version of HB 2 that emerged from the conference committee and passed now contains no actual congressional redistricting. It only affects this year’s filing deadline for those federal races.

To begin moving the hoped-for congressional plan through the legislative process again, the House placed its original blueprint in HB 302, and sent it to the Senate so negotiations could resume. Good progress has been hinted at. The House and Senate hope to reach agreement on a final bill before the extended congressional-filing deadline Tuesday afternoon.

“We are grateful that this wreck caused no injuries or loss of life. Since that bridge carries 2,800 cars every day, we were very fortunate that no one was on the span at that time,” said Gov. Beshear. “We’ll turn our attention to a full inspection of the bridge and determine what steps we can take next to speed up the replacement of that important artery.”

“I encourage our citizens to remain calm and patient as our state transportation officials investigate the structure and determine next steps,” said Sen. Ken Winters, of Murray. “I thank the Governor and Transportation Secretary for their immediate attention to this matter, and I hope that they will fully explore many alternatives, even temporary bridges, to best serve the people of western Kentucky.”

Okay, so maybe it wasn’t so much bird poop… but it got you to watch the video, didn’t it?

“It is my belief that this plan is the most fair and balanced of any of the redistricting plans offered in this session,” Rep. Waide said. “Many Kentuckians, despite their political beliefs, are up in arms over the blatant partisan nature of redistricting during this session. They want their voices heard in this process, which is why I decided to offer up an alternative.”

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From a release on the matter:

Under Rep. Waide’s proposal, only 24 counties are split and only 10 precincts are split compared to 28 counties split and 246 split precincts under the plan put forth by House Democrats and passed under House Bill 1. Rep. Waide’s plan only pairs 10 incumbent House members compared to 11; two pairs of Democrats would run against each other, two pairs of Democrats and Republicans would run against each other and one pairing where a Republican would run against a Republican.

“In the current redistricting proposals, each is weighted heavily in favor of Democrats or Republicans, which has created confusion and anger among Kentuckians,” added Rep. Waide. “Every effort was made in my plan to not place House incumbents against one another regardless of party.”

Under the law for House and Senate redistricting, the population of a district can be plus or minus 5 percent of the population, which for House districts is 43,394. Under Rep. Waide’s proposal, the population variance is plus 4.67 percent and negative 2.92 percent for a total of 7.58 percent. In the House Democrats plan their population variance was plus 5.38 percent and minus 4.62 percent for a total of 10 percent. Rep. Waide believes the House Democrats variance of plus 5.38 percent is outside the bounds of the Kentucky Constitution, and thinks it would not stand up to a challenge in court.

“Our plan proves that you only need to divide 24 counties instead of 28. This alone shows the House Democrat plan is unconstitutional,” Rep. Waide said. “In addition the cost to local counties whose precincts have been split is enormous. In Boone County alone the cost of stand up booths, signage and poll workers will exceed $90,000. My bill seeks to keep as many counties whole as possible, and keep as many people with their current representative as possible regardless of politics.”

Will it float?

All I know is that even if the Republicans file for an injunction, they ought to push to make this thing federal. Because Greg Stumbo has the Kentucky Supreme Court in his back pocket.

Democrats will poo poo this in 3, 2…

This Thursday at 10:00 A.M., Commissioner of Agriculture Jamie Comer will attend the State Fair Board meeting in Louisville. Comer needs to bring up the fact that the state still owes Ed Hart millions of dollars that he put up to get the Kentucky Kingdom deal going. It’s time for the state to start screwing people over like that. [Press Release]

Rand Paul’s staff is hitting back over the TSA’s semantics play with today’s Nashville detainment/delay/whatever. [Daily Caller]

Remember when he was angry over TSA pat downs?

Now Rand is getting super-suspcious and is going all “time for a Senate inquiry” on the TSA. [TPM]

Jack Conway spent most of last week claiming that Kentucky’s pill problem was drying up. Then the State-Journal ran a story that was, ahem, quite the contrary. This Wednesday is grand jury day in Franklin County and we hear even more pill indictments will roll out. Expect a big story in that paper on Thursday about pills and organized crime. Jack would have known about this massive problem that’s getting worse in Central Kentucky if he’d bothered to work with Sheriff Pat Melton. [Whoopsiedaisy]

The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the government violated privacy rights in its GPS tracking case. [ACLU]

Remember Todd Lally? Now he wants to run for the newly-created 10th District State House seat in Eastern Jefferson County. [Ryan Alessi]

Neither Jim Gray nor Greg Fischer are joining their colleagues in the Mayors for the Freedom to Marry. [Here & Here]

Who exactly are the 1 percent? The very rich in America increasingly work in finance, marry each other and care about politics. [The Economist]

Go read this story about Super PACs and how crazy they are. [Pro Publica]

80% of Americans want full disclosure of meetings between Congresspeople and regulators. [Rasmussen Reports]

Maybe Jamie Comer should think twice about firing the state apiarist to give the job to one of his friends. [H-L]

Here’s Steve Beshear cutting mine safety funds just months after mining deaths. This is why Kentucky can’t have nice things. It’s entertaining watching outsiders act all surprised that this sort of thing goes on in Frankfort. [Think Progress]

AN ACT relating to domestic violence.

Amend KRS 403.740 and 403.750 to allow a court to direct the care, custody, or control of pets in domestic violence orders.

Still think it’s unnecessary?

Then read this:

A Fort Campbell soldier has been convicted of torturing his wife’s dog and a jury recommended he serve three years in prison.

The Christian County jury handed down the verdict Thursday in the case of 43-year-old Marc T. Staley. Prosecutors say he skinned his wife’s dog after the couple got into a fight in December 2010.

Staley told jurors he choked the Jack Russell terrier named Baxter until it stopped breathing in a fit of rage after the dog bit him.

While clearly not the most pressing issue in Kentucky, there’s no reason the legislature shouldn’t push this through. Now.

Hickman mayor fatally shot, suspect in custody

HICKMAN, Ky. – The police chief of a western Kentucky city says the mayor has been fatally shot and a man has turned himself in to police.

Hickman Police Chief Tony Grogan said the incident occurred around 1 a.m. CST Monday and took the life of Hickman Mayor Charles Murphy at Murphy’s home.

Police have charged 30-year-old Tommy Lattus with murder and he is held at the Fulton County Detention Facility. Grogan said Lattus came to the police station after the shooting and told officers he shot Murphy. Grogan did not give a motive.

Keep the Hickman area in your thoughts today, readers.

It’s worth a read:

FRANKFORT – Nearly two weeks in, the 2012 General Assembly seemed slow coming together. Its first and most immediate challenge – state-level redistricting – was reported bogged down in predictable political concerns. Deeply ominous but deeply vague early warnings from the Beshear administration about the budget situation left lawmakers pensive, waiting for specifics in the governor’s Budget Address. Anything but speculation on the much-trumpeted casino-gambling proposal was hard to come by.

The big engine of a full 60-day Legislature idled.

But the session suddenly lit up in near late-session mode this week when a House committee — and quickly, the next day, the full House — passed a reapportionment plan for itself that would (among other surprises) force at least a half-dozen Republican incumbents to run against each other, should they all survey the redrawn electoral landscape and seek re-election.

The House plan would also create seven open seats, and pit a second-term Republican incumbent against the Democratic Majority Floor Leader (a 25-year veteran) in a redrawn home-district reelection battle.

Republican House leaders protested. Democrat House leaders pled demographic necessity. A court challenge – not uncommon in redistricting disputes – was immediately mentioned, and is now being explored. But the proposal passed 63-34, on a mostly party-line vote. Five Republicans voted for it. No Democrat voted against it.

The bill went on to the Senate, where passage at this point seems likely under a House-Senate white flag, an agreement to not tinker with each other’s reapportionment maps.

You’ll want to read the rest after the jump…

Redistricting of House, Senate and Congressional districts is a once-a-decade Constitutional requirement. States must adjust district lines to account for population changes or shifts identified by the most recent U.S. Census.

Redistricting, always, is a blistering process for any legislature, anywhere. Political futures are on the line and sometimes ended, old district friendships and allegiances are riven, long-term lawmaker-constituent relationships are torn asunder. There’s rarely if ever a painless reapportionment. And it’s not simply party-vs.-party strife. Even within majority caucuses who control the process, members can be deeply divided when the knife falls on home turf.

All this is especially true in the Kentucky House. Its districts, being much the state’s smallest, (with only about 42,000 people as opposed to well over twice that in a Senate district and over 723,000 in a Congressional district) tend to be the most interpersonally connected.

But large district or small, there’s one axiomatic truth. If, as Tip O’Neill said, ‘All politics is local,’ you could add a close corollary: ‘All redistricting is personal.’

Nor is it easy to meet the strict legal requirements for successful remapping. Not infrequently, court challenges are filed, legal problems are found, and plans must be redone. It’s gritty, unpleasant and plain hard work. But it’s also central to good representative government.

The end goal is to draw cohesive and population-balanced districts so every Kentuckian has equal representation in Frankfort and in Washington. True North in the process is, always, the insistent, longstanding Supreme Court mantra: One person, one vote.

Coming into the session, there was a felt need to accomplish redistricting quickly, before the filing deadline for the November elections at the end of this month — although that’s a practical and political concern, not a legal one. The Senate is expected to take up its own redistricting plan shortly, and, as mentioned, there seems to be agreement between chambers to accept each other’s new self-drawn maps without objection.

The same can’t be said about a Congressional reapportionment plan passed by the House earlier this week that generated no detectable enthusiasm among Senate leaders. Therein might lie the most bruising redistricting struggle of this year’s session. News yet to come on that front.

Meanwhile, the ‘wretched’ budget situation outlined glumly but in no real detail by the governor in his State of the Commonwealth speech last week means almost any action needing money is on hold till the governor submits his budget proposal next week.

At that time, with all cards turned up and all chips on the table, the Legislature’s budget-writing subcommittees can begin work in earnest, and the session will gear down to its core winter’s work. Writing a two-year state spending plan is the central chore of a 60-day session.

Speaking of which, there was a bit of good money news last week. This year’s state revenues are up over last year, and on track to meet projections. It seems likely the Legislature will avoid the double whammy of dealing with a current budget shortfall while looking down the barrel of major shortfalls in the budget it’s writing for the next two years.

Kentucky’s general fund grew by 6.9 percent last month over December a year ago, the state Budget Director reported. This was seen as a nice turnaround after two consecutive anemic-growth months for state revenues.

Through the first six months of the current fiscal year, general fund revenues have grown by 3.1 percent over the same period last year. Revenues must grow by 2.8 percent over the full 12 months to meet revenues assumed in the current state budget. That means incoming receipts need to grow by 2.6 percent in the remaining six months to pay for what’s budgeted, a number that now seems doable.

Also in December, revenues into the state Road Fund grew by 13.3 percent compared to the same period last year. This in part reflects higher gasoline prices, but it’s good news nonetheless. Anything on the plus side is, as digging out of the Great Recession continues.

The General Assembly and its administrative arm the Legislative Research Commission encourage citizen involvement in the workings of their branch of government, and maintain several means for them to do so.

The Legislature’s website — www.lrc.ky.gov – includes comprehensive information about legislators, the legislative process, and the progress of work during the session. Contact numbers, daily meeting schedules, bill summaries and full texts, bill status information, and other information to get you involved are all posted there.